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Volume 5, Issue 2, Spring 2016

Infinity Journal

Page 7

set of basic geographic (human and physical) impediments.

It may be that the physical distances are great, as they are,

for instance, in the middle of Africa. It may be that the moral

impediment is extreme, as regards, for instance, the territory

of our neighbor Canada. The second layer of the map we

call the impunity layer. It depicts foreign territorial spaces

wherein some negative set of conditions or events exist

which might create an effective quantity of American desire

to visit with force, uninvited. We base this layer on the notion

that someone somewhere will be trying to get away with

something that Americans, as a country and represented by

the US government, find impossible to tolerate. In other words,

there exist and will exist, even in the near-term, some basic

reasons for the United States government to decide to run

additional risk, and to bear costs in terms of human life,moral

authority,diplomatic leverage or simple logistical expenditure.

The third map layer depicts invitational deployment. Given

the nature of American diplomacy, the evolution of defense

treaties and other accords, and a dynamic quantity of

what other peoples perceive as American empathy for their

concerns, there also exists the possibility that a genuine

invitation would be extended for the presence of ostentatious

American military might in the form of conventional units.We

only find three places where this seems reasonably likely to

happen or continue, and as to all three (Kuwait, South Korea,

and Eastern Europe) our prediction is based on the fact

that some level of conventional US ground force structure is

already there.

There is a fourth current or set of phenomena that we do

not depict as a layer on

The Access Environment

map,

but which would nevertheless be a significant ingredient

in a decision to send or not to send US military forces into

foreign territory. That set of phenomena could be referred to

as ‘national interests’, and here refers to a set of motivations

held by US senior leaders, but not necessarily known to or

even shared by the US public. These motivations might

include selective or preferential economic advantages or

politically influential emotive or ideological values. They

might also include validly perceived threats that become

known to leadership via professional intelligence, but which

cannot be openly revealed. In any case, we are not able to

create a cartographic layer showing the influence that all

these kinds of ‘national interests’ have on the likelihood of US

global military movement and placement. They are exactly

those factors not suited to visual depiction.We mention them,

however, as an unmapped influence in order to underline

that almost any amount of risk might be accepted, run,

overcome, or costs paid if the rewards seemed sufficient or

if the predictable costs of not running the risk were deemed

too great by national leadership. We also admit as how the

elements of the four layers (three fairly easy to depict and

one not) are separable only in theory. Their overlap and

inter-relationship cannot be dismissed or drawn away, and

without the dimension of ‘national interests’, it is impossible

to comprehensively discuss a particular case. Nevertheless,

the map reminds us not that distances are neither wholly

determinant of our options nor determinant of the outcome

of our endeavors, but that without an explicit, habitual

calculation of distance we cannot reasonably compare

relative military strength. We also cannot understand the

culminating points of our various enterprises or how one

affects another, and we will not do strategy well. Whatever

levels of rectitude or existential imperative we might or might

not be able to assign to the unmapped ‘national interests’,

these latter will not be correctly framed without clarity

regarding the other layers proffered here.

Risk distance is the relevant common denominator that allows

a planner to compare the advantages and disadvantages

produced by various seemingly disparate inputs, and it gives

a strategic planner a tool for considering the effect that

one seemingly detached military or non-military action (the

employment of one or another element of national strategy)

has on all others. In order to mount a bombing raid on Libya

from a base in the United Kingdom, the distances might be

far greater than the map might initially indicate if diplomatic

relationships with France do not produce a right to overfly

French territory on the way.[xiii] Diplomatic conditions with

France might not put such a raid beyond the culminating

point in the mind of a given American President, but they

could certainly add cost distance. We could argue that the

positioning of Outpost Keating in Afghanistan was beyond

the prudent risk distance

ab initio

. It was operationally

imprudent to place an outpost at the bottom of the valley

near Kamdesh given the likelihood that the enemy could

create a disadvantageous correlation of force that would

compel our abandonment of the position.[xiv] We leave for

a separate discussion at what point the compounding of

imprudent tactical decisions constitutes imprudent strategy.

We suggest, however, that if distance theory had been a

staple in the diet of US military education – if Clausewitz’

culminating point were as favored a theme as ‘center of

gravity’ – then the design and deployment of American

military force in recent decades might have been more

effective. Going forward, in order to build a more grounded

strategic education, we think that historical investigations of

risk distance would be a healthy start.[xv]

The Access Environment

is a map of risk distances. We invite

challenge to specific assertions, to which we are hardly wed.

[xvi] We believe that risk distance is a valid and centrally

useful concept not only at the global scale, but at all scales

of military competition. A

mapamundi

divided by county-

size (county, not country) territorial units would perhaps

be more useful to special operating forces. We did not

build

The Access Environment

map or our argument from

any presumption of geographic determinism.[xvii] Rather,

inseparably mixing physical and human geography, we find

distance, as measured in costs and risk, to have a singularly

influential impact on decision-making. Failure to correctly

interpret distance is a great fouler of ill-conceived plans.

Failure to address distance at all is a failure of strategic theory.

Risk Distance

Geoffrey Demarest, Ivan B.Welch, and Charles K. Bartles